Suchergebnisse

The policies formed by US leadership play a vital role in establishing US hegemony all over the world. The foreign policy of a state made according to the national interest. A rational decision of a leader plays a vital role in the effectiveness of the foreign policy. The challenges faced by Barack Obama in 2008 were somehow different from the challenges faced by Trump in 2016. The comparative analysis of both foreign policies would make it easy to determine the right and wrong decision taken by both leaders. The changing circumstances of the world would be identified through this research paper. The world is moving towards multipolarity, and somehow the decisions taken by Trump after his incumbent of office had the worst impact on US foreign policy because Trump was trying to isolate the US from world affairs, including trade and security.

Dans quelle mesure les travaux de STS, auxquels Michel Callon a beaucoup contribué nationalement et internationalement, sont-ils susceptibles d'irriguer les échanges entre science et politique ? Si ce type de connaissance a tenu un rôle critique majeur durant ces trente dernières années, il a aussi influencé à des degrés divers les politiques scientifiques de certains gouvernements. Un événement récent, l'annonce du programme " Open Government " du président Barak Obama est l'occasion de faire un point sur ce sujet mouvant (.).

Dans quelle mesure les travaux de STS, auxquels Michel Callon a beaucoup contribué nationalement et internationalement, sont-ils susceptibles d'irriguer les échanges entre science et politique ? Si ce type de connaissance a tenu un rôle critique majeur durant ces trente dernières années, il a aussi influencé à des degrés divers les politiques scientifiques de certains gouvernements. Un événement récent, l'annonce du programme " Open Government " du président Barak Obama est l'occasion de faire un point sur ce sujet mouvant (.).

Dans quelle mesure les travaux de STS, auxquels Michel Callon a beaucoup contribué nationalement et internationalement, sont-ils susceptibles d'irriguer les échanges entre science et politique ? Si ce type de connaissance a tenu un rôle critique majeur durant ces trente dernières années, il a aussi influencé à des degrés divers les politiques scientifiques de certains gouvernements. Un événement récent, l'annonce du programme " Open Government " du président Barak Obama est l'occasion de faire un point sur ce sujet mouvant (.).

The author analyses the foreign policy of the United States during the first nine months of the new administration. The assessment takes into consideration President Barak Obama's programme and statements, concrete actions in bilateral and multilateral arenas, emerging proposals for the organizational and legislative changes within relevant departments, as well as the legacy of previous administration, constrains related to the political and administrative system and to traditional self-perception of the role of United States in world affairs. Obama's rhetoric and style are substantially different from its predecessor, as he emphasizes global interdependence and necessity for focusing on common interests. So far, diplomatic solutions are prioritized over regime change and force. It is still unclear whether Obama wants to manage transition from uni-polar to multi-polar world, or only to legitimize American exceptionalism by consulting with broader range of actors. .

This article analyzes the foreign policy of the United States in Asia, where a fragile status quo with the presence of the United States was established, after falling a traditional vertical and hierarchical States system in the nineteenth century and going through the vagaries of conflicts and wars in the first half of the twentieth century. The main focus will be given to the administration of Barak Obama that introduced a major change on the issue, as well as the current administration of Donald Trump with the tendency to return to the isolationism of the United States. In the twentieth century the superpower had a diplomatic-strategic policy of committing itself to the «liberal international order» based on liberal representative democracy and the free market economy, and avoiding the emergence of a hegemonic country in Western Europe and Asia. This policy was based on the bipartisan consensus among the political decision-makers of Washington, D.C. that gave greater importance to WesternEurope. The Obama administration changed this diplomatic-strategic line, and gave priorityto Asia, while its optimism and idealism regarding China's position, along with other diplomatic-economic considerations, allowed the giant of Asia to take a series of acts that caused the change to the territorial status quo. The new diplomatic-strategic line of Obama did not take root in the United States in the end, and with Trump's coming to power, United States' policy in Asia has become more confused and contradictory. Although it has become clear that Trump is not interested in maintaining and promoting the «liberal internationalorder», it is still not known exactly what direction or line the Trump administration will takein relation to the political-strategic agenda of relations with Asia. From Obama to Trump, the policy of the superpower in Asia has been going adrift. ; Este artículo analiza la política exterior de Estados Unidos en Asia. En dicha región, luego de caer el tradicional sistema vertical y jerárquico de Estados en el siglo XIX y pasar por vaivenes de conflictos y guerras en la primera mitad del siglo XX, la presencia de Estados Unidos permitió el mantenimiento de un statu quo (aunque ciertamente frágil). Este estudio se enfocará, principalmente, en la administración de Barack Obama que introdujo un cambio significativo en relación a la política de Estados Unidos en Asia, así como en la actual administración de Donald Trump la cual presenta una tendencia de retorno al aislacionismo de Estados Unidos.En efecto, en el siglo XX, la superpotencia desarrolló una política diplomático-estratégica de compromiso con el «orden internacional liberal» basada en la democracia liberal representativa y en la economía de libre mercado, para así evitar la aparición de otro país hegemónico en Europa Occidental o en Asia. Dicha política se basaba en el consenso bipartidario entre los agentes políticos de Washington que daba mayor importancia a Europa Occidental. La administración de Obama cambió esta línea diplomático-estratégica, y dio prioridad a Asia, pero su optimismo e idealismo con respecto a la posición de China, junto con otras consideraciones diplomático-económicas, le permitieron al gigante asiático tomar una serie de acciones que provocaron el cambio del statu quo territorial en Asia. Al final, la nueva línea diplomático-estratégica de Obama no se arraigó en Estados Unidos, y con la llegada al poder de Trump, la política estadunidense en Asia se ha vuelto más confusa y contradictoria. Aunque ha quedado claro que a Trump no le interesa mantener y promover el «orden internacional liberal», todavía no se sabe exactamente qué dirección o rumbo va a tomar su administracióncon relación a la agenda político-estratégica de las relaciones con Asia. De Obama a Trump, la política de la superpotencia en Asia ha quedado a la deriva.

Donald Trumps Präsidentschaft ist nur ein Symptom für eine schon lange schwelende Krise der Demokratie. Millionen Amerikaner haben kein Vertrauen mehr in das politische Establishment und die Medien. Nur allzu verlockend klingt da Trumps Versprechen, er werde das Land aufrichten und die Macht wieder in die Hand des Volkes legen. Nun scheint er die Vereinigten Staaten jedoch ins Chaos zu stürzen: umstrittene Dekrete, dubiose Rücktritte - und der nächste Skandal ist immer nur einen Tweet entfernt.

Wo stehen die USA nach Obama? Warum ist die Gesellschaft so gespalten? Und was bedeutet der Präsident Trump für das Land?

Throughout the campaign and since his election, Barak Obama has made it clear that longterm economic growth -- not just economic recovery -- is a priority. He also understands the importance of technology in reaching that goal. The campaign advanced a well-thought-out list of technology policy recommendations. Among other measures, candidate Obama talked about the need to accelerate funding for research and development (R&D); support science, technology, engineering, and mathematics (STEM) education at all levels; make the Research and Experimentation (R&E) tax credit permanent; reform the patent system; deploy nextgeneration broadband networks; develop new manufacturing technologies; and double the investment in alternative energy technologies.

The article is devoted to the socio-economic policy pursued by Barak Obama who had won elections and entered the presidential office in the midst of the strongest economic crisis. The author considers in depth each of the new administration's strategy directions in taking simultaneously both short-term measures necessary for the fastest crisis recovery and actions aimed at laying the foundation for the future long-term prosperity of the country. The feature of the current stage is the elevation of social policy to the rank of national priorities, and the crisis does not abolish it.